Bernd Leno has joined Arsenal in €192 million deal

first_imgBayer Leverkusen has sold goalkeeper Bernd Leno to Arsenal for around €19 million, completing Unai Emery’s second major signing as manager.The 26-year-old German international Leno has arrived on a contract that should keep him at the Emirates until 2023, making him the long-term replacement for current number one Petr Cech, reports Four-Four-Two. Emery was delighted after unveiling his latest acquisition, saying: “We are very pleased that Bernd Leno will be joining us,”“Bernd is a goalkeeper of high quality and experience. We are all excited that Bernd has chosen Arsenal and look forward to start working with him in pre-season.” Jadon SanchoMerson believes Arsenal should sign Sancho Manuel R. Medina – September 14, 2019 Borussia Dortmund winger Jadon Sancho might be the perfect player to play for the Gunners, according to former England international Paul Merson.Welcome to Arsenal, @Bernd_Leno – we’re delighted to have you here ?#HeyLeno pic.twitter.com/m4yT22I58V— Arsenal FC (@Arsenal) June 19, 2018Leno was a major part of the Leverkusen squad that achieved a 5th place finish in the Bundesliga last year and he has won 6 caps for his country to date – though unfortunately, he did not make Joachim Lowes final squad for the World Cup.After the purchase of Stephan Lichtsteiner last month, Emery has managed to further enhance his options defensively with the signing of Leno, as his new look Arsenal side begins to take shape.last_img read more

Alaskan Appointed To Top Position At Interior Department

first_imgThe leased lands are not only close to the pipeline, but allow companies to tap into two new prospects, the Nanushuk and Torok formations. Alaska Bureau of Land Management associate state director Ted Murphy pointed out that it is important to note that the further west you travel in the NPR-A the less infrastructure there is to support development. All of the leases sold adjoin current leases. Balash, who served as served as chief of staff to Senator Dan Sullivan and Natural Resources Commissioner under Governor Sean Parnell, had previously fought for an Alaska-led plan to allow modern seismic studies in ANWR. T ConocoPhillips and Anadarko, jointly bid on a total of about 80,000 acres, building upon the new Willow oil discovery made within NPR-A, and announced a year ago. During Balash’s tenure, the state filed a claim requesting the transfer of 20,000 acres in ANWR from the federal government to the state of Alaska. The BLM rejected the claim, and now Balash could have the power to overturn such a decision. Facebook0TwitterEmailPrintFriendly分享The U.S. Senate confirmed Alaskan Joe Balash to a top position at the Interior Department on Thursday, serving as assistant secretary for land and minerals management under Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke. While only seven of the 900 leases offered in the NPR-A were sold, causing strong discussion on the value of opening less accessible ANWR, it’s important to recognize that the short window between the announcement that the properties would be available and the actual lease offered minimal opportunity for planning and resource allocation for the bidders. During Balash’s Senate confirmation hearing, he pledged to work on speeding permits and allowing responsible drilling and mining, and improve recreational access to federal lands. Story as aired:http://www.radiokenai.us/wp-content/uploads/2017/12/Dorene-on-Alaskan-appointed-to-top-position-at-interior-department.mp3last_img read more

Paper Makers Make More Cuts

first_img“This was an attractive opportunity, and we intend to use the proceeds received at closing to pay down debt,” IP’s chairman and CEO John Faraci said in a statement. The down economy and reduced demand have taken a toll on paper makers. One producer, Sappi Fine Paper North America, announced that it will indefinitely suspend operations at its facility in Muskegon, Michigan, resulting in the furlough of approximately 190 salaried and hourly employees. The suspension is set to begin April 1.The company said the suspension was necessary in light of “significantly lower global demand for coated fine paper products.” As part of a separate cost-cutting initiative, Sappi also said it is eliminating an additional 70 positions company-wide.UPM is suspending production at a pair of its mills in Finland in April. The suspension is said to result in a 880,000-ton per-year reduction of coated and uncoated specialty paper as well as uncoated mechanical magazine paper.Meanwhile, Memphis, Tennessee-based International Paper said it is divesting the equivalent of 143,000 acres of properties located in southwestern U.S. The company is selling 114,000 acres to the American Timberlands Fund for $220 million in cash and donated the remaining acres (worth approximately $55 million) in exchange for a 20 percent investment in the fund.last_img read more

Essex County Sheriffs Department Partners With Middlesex Sheriffs Office To Complete Interactive Training

first_imgMIDDLETON, MA — 87 members of the Essex County Sheriff’s Department (ECSD) have completed an interactive firearms training organized in conjunction with the Middlesex Sheriff’s Office (MSO), Sheriffs Kevin F. Coppinger and Peter J. Koutoujian announced this week.The training was held on the MSO’s Mobile Training Center (MTC), a specialized trailer that allows officers to practice their responses to critical incidents. MSO officers who operate the MTC can offer unique scenarios for each user to test their firearm, communication and de-escalation skills.“We are proud to share this resource with our law enforcement colleagues at ECSD. Our agencies regularly participate in trainings together, from our Crisis Intervention Training program to continuing education opportunities for staff, but this represents a new avenue for partnership,” said Sheriff Koutoujian. “This training allows officers to work through real life scenarios and practice their responses to a serious incident, all while receiving constructive feedback from ECSD instructors and MSO officers.”The MTC was stationed at the Middleton House of Correction from April 22 – May 3. ECSD staff practiced scenarios specifically tailored for the environments that deputies operate in, such as construction details which may involve a traffic encounter and inmate transportation.“Providing the most advanced training to our correctional officers is a priority of our department. We continually strive to provide high quality, situational training to our officers. Sharing this interactive training platform is an example of how Sheriffs’ Departments in the Commonwealth collaborate for the benefit of public safety,” said Sheriff Kevin Coppinger.In 2018, 19 police departments were trained through the MTC. So far this year, nine agencies – including the Essex County Sheriff’s Department – have utilized the MTC for at least one week of training.Photo L to R: ECSD Special Sheriff William Gerke, MSO Firearms Instructors Officers Frank Reid, Chris Hardy, Ret. Sgt. Don Cook, ECSD Sheriff Kevin F. Coppinger with ECSD Firearms Instructors Sgt. Jim Comeau, Security Investigator Jason Frampton, Security Investigator John Zaccari, Capt. Shelley Ehlers, Capt. Tom Cote, Assistant Superintendent/Director of Training Christine Arsenault.(NOTE: The above press release is from the Middlesex Sheriff’s Office.)Like Wilmington Apple on Facebook. Follow Wilmington Apple on Twitter. Follow Wilmington Apple on Instagram. Subscribe to Wilmington Apple’s daily email newsletter HERE. Got a comment, question, photo, press release, or news tip? Email wilmingtonapple@gmail.com.Share this:TwitterFacebookLike this:Like Loading… RelatedMiddlesex Sheriff’s Office Receives State Grant For Popular Youth Summer CampIn “Police Log”Attorney General Awards Middlesex Sheriff’s Office A Healthy Summer Youth Jobs GrantIn “Police Log”51 Wilmington Students Graduate From Middlesex Sheriff’s Youth Public Safety AcademyIn “Government”last_img read more

Indigenous icon Morales losing grounds among native people

first_imgPeople sit in front of signs against Bolivian President Evo Morales` bid for re-election in 2019 in La Paz. Photo: ReutersIn 12 years as president of South America’s poorest country, Evo Morales has accomplished many of the goals he set forth when he became the first indigenous person to lead Bolivia.The 58-year-old leftist and former coca farmer has presided over an economy that has grown by an annual average of 4.6 percent since he took office, more than twice the rate for all of Latin America.After nationalizing the country’s bounteous natural gas reserves, he pursued market-friendly economic policies and invested export revenue in social programs that helped lift more than two million people, nearly a fifth of the population, from poverty.With a new constitution in 2009, he even changed the name of the country from the Republic of Bolivia to the Plurinational State of Bolivia, reflecting diverse ethnicities that for centuries had felt like second-class citizens.For Bolivia’s more than 4 million indigenous people, support for Morales appeared to pay off. The poverty rate dropped from 59.9 percent in 2006 to 36.4 percent last year. Access for indigenous communities to electricity, sewerage and water service all grew, according to the World Bank. Here in Charagua, in the country’s remote southern lowlands, Guarani people recently dissolved the local municipality and launched Bolivia’s first experiment in autonomous government. The move, made possible by the new constitution, is meant to replace distant, homogenous rule with policies tailored to the local, indigenous reality. Yet here and across Bolivia, indigenous people are increasingly turning against Evo, as the poncho-wearing Morales is known. The dissatisfaction – over everything from proposed development of indigenous lands to his successful gambit to end term limits – is marring what had been widespread acclaim for a leader emblematic to first peoples’ movements worldwide.   “His way of thinking and his actions aren’t indigenous,” said Gualberto Cusi, a former judge and ethnic Aymara, an influential Andean tribe from which Morales himself also hails. Cusi, who was barred from the Constitutional Court by Congress last year after disagreements with the government, now leads a group of indigenous dissidents. Many Aymara have flourished under Morales’ rule. Building upon a long history selling textiles along Lake Titicaca, they now thrive in commerce, like importing Chinese electronics they sell as far afield as the Amazon rainforest.  But even they are increasingly fed up. “He should go,” said Joaquin Quispe, a cook whose Aymara family moved from Bolivia’s interior to El Alto, a city where a swelling indigenous influx in recent years made it outgrow nearby La Paz, the country’s administrative center.What particularly bothers some are moves by Morales, using supporters in Congress and the judiciary, to consolidate power.Although his own 2009 constitution set a limit of two five-year terms, Morales asked voters in a 2016 referendum to let him run again in 2019.When they said no, Morales convinced the Constitutional Court to let him anyway. The court, consisting of jurists nominated by Congressional allies, ruled that term limits are a violation of his “human rights.” Morales’ spokeswoman, Gisela Lopez, declined to make the president available for an interview and didn’t respond to requests for comment for this story. A close ally, former Senate President Jose “Gringo” Gonzales, said Morales hasn’t abandoned indigenous peoples, but has evolved as president to represent and work with everyone.  “He can sit for one minute with a businessman and the next with a worker,” said Gonzales, who stepped down from the Senate last week for undisclosed reasons. “He still has the humility and simplicity that were highlighted when he took office.”Morales is now the longest consecutively serving head of state in the Americas. He is the sole leader remaining from a wave of leftists, including Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez and Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva of Brazil, who dominated Latin American politics early this century.His name, which graces schools, stadiums, and cultural centers, is increasingly voiced in street protests and scrawled in graffiti. All over the divided country, “Bolivia said no!” sprayings compete with ”Evo Yes!” signs painted by supporters of his party, Movement Toward Socialism, or MAS.Morales won’t go before voters again until late next year. And the opposition remains fragmented, meaning no other leader in Bolivia as yet compares in political stature.Still, in a July poll commissioned by newspaper Pagina Siete, support for the president among likely voters fell to 27 percent from 31 percent last November. A survey by pollster Ipsos this week showed a similar level of support, at 29 percent of likely voters, with a six-point drop over the past year in his approval rating, now at 43 percent.Over the past eight months, Reuters traveled across Bolivia to better understand the waning support for the president among indigenous peoples. From his native Altiplano, the high, arid plateau home to the Aymara, to gas-rich lowlands, where the government has authorized extraction on indigenous lands, many native Bolivians say they no longer feel represented by Morales.“A NEW ERA”For many, the years following Morales’s 2005 election were marked by jubilation and hope.Before his official inauguration in January 2006, Aymara “maestros,” or ritual leaders, held their own ceremony at the pre-Incan site of Tiwanaku, west of La Paz. Morales, in a traditional red tunic, climbed the Akapana pyramid, where shamans presided over a fire ritual and presented him with a staff symbolizing his right to lead the assembled tribes.“Today begins a new era for the native peoples of the world,” Morales said. Tens of thousands of indigenous activists, along with native delegations from as far away as Chile and the United States, cheered.Within months, he began asserting his plans to “decolonize” Bolivia and give locals more voice in government and a greater share of national wealth. On May 1, Labor Day, he ordered troops to occupy natural gas fields and nationalized all hydrocarbons.“The time has come, the longed-for day, a historic day for Bolivia to retake absolute control of our natural resources,” he said in a speech while surrounded by soldiers at an oil field operated by Petroleo Brasileiro, or Petrobras, the Brazilian energy company.Morales began renegotiating energy contracts for a bigger share of the profits, a move that ultimately many companies agreed to. The negotiations earned him plaudits from supporters and boosted government revenues at a time when gas prices were soaring.With the windfalls, Morales enacted measures including school vouchers for kids and pensions for workers who had never held formal employment.For the day-to-day business of governance, Morales appointed women, indigenous peoples and labor leaders to his cabinet. He embraced grass-roots organizations and forged a so-called “Unity Pact,” comprising leaders of Andean, lowland and Amazon tribes. Together, they helped draft the new constitution, approved by 60 percent of Bolivians in a 2009 referendum. That year, in a landslide, Morales won a second term.Tensions with indigenous groups first emerged in 2011.  Enjoying what by then was steadily improving economic growth, Morales proposed a 300-kilometer road through the Isiboro Secure Indigenous Territory, or Tipnis, a Jamaica-sized refuge in the Amazon. The highway, Morales argued, was necessary to bring basic services to remote tribes.But native groups and environmentalists were enraged.The road, they argued, more likely would facilitate drug trafficking, illegal logging and other unwanted activity. Protesters marched for more than a month, during which police and demonstrators clashed in clouds of tear gas and flurries of rubber bullets. “When Evo took office we thought indigenous people would never have to march again,” said Adolfo Chavez, a native Tacana and former president of The Confederation of Indigenous People of Bolivia, or Cidob, a grouping of 34 lowland tribes.The marching succeeded, at least for a time. That September, Morales halted work on the road for further study. But relations with some native groups were damaged.Two major indigenous rights organizations, Cidob and The National Council of Ayllus and Markas of Qullasuyu, left the Unity Pact. Since then, the split has widened into divisions that fall along political lines, not rivalries among Bolivia’s three dozen ethnicities.Soon, government supporters began to pressure both groups, using MAS loyalists to stage what some members described as coups within the organizations. Politics and loyalty to Morales began to matter more than the indigenous cause, they said.  Cidob leader Chavez was voted out in 2012. Chavez, who left Bolivia and now lives in Peru, says he was a victim of political persecution for leading the Tipnis demonstrations. Pedro Vare, Cidob’s current leader, in local media has continued to back Morales and criticize the protesters. Reuters was unable to reach Vare for an interview.One rainy evening in December 2013, MAS activists broke down the door of the two-story La Paz headquarters of Conamaq, as the other indigenous rights group is known. Once inside, they forced members, some of whom were visiting La Paz from remote regions and living there during their stay, to leave.“We had nowhere to go,” recalls Cristobal Salles, an Aymara and Quechua speaker who was a Conamaq councilman and now farms potatoes.  Dissent at both groups vanished.Hilarion Mamani, a 41-year-old  Quechua who led the Conamaq takeover, told Reuters a purge had been necessary. Using a charge long wielded against opponents by some leftists in Latin America, Mamani said previous leaders were acting on behalf of “North American imperialists.” Now, he added, “there are no divisions.”That’s because most of the previous members went on to form  dissident indigenous groups. Those groups have campaigned to enforce presidential term limits and against renewed efforts to build the Tipnis road and other projects on native lands.  In 2014, Morales began his sustained effort to stay in power.Despite the constitutional limit of two terms, Morales argued that his first administration shouldn’t be counted because he had been elected under a previous constitution. In the Constitutional Court, by then composed mostly of judges nominated by allies of Morales in Congress, he found a sympathetic audience.Except for one justice – Cusi, the fellow Aymara who at that time sat on the court. Cusi sought a strict interpretation of the charter and argued against another term. But the other judges prevailed. Morales ran for re-election and, with 60 percent of the vote, won a third term starting in January 2015. Before long, relations with native groups grew worse still.  In February 2015, a government comptroller discovered a $10 million shortfall in a state fund for indigenous projects, finding records of initiatives that had been funded, but never carried out.  Two of Morales’ former rural development ministers were convicted of misusing public funds and served brief jail terms.Some onetime Morales supporters were outraged. “It seems corruption has been institutionalized,” Edwin Prada, a lawyer and former advisor to Conamaq, said in an interview.Morales in public comments has said the fund was poorly run. Reuters couldn’t reach either of the two former ministers for comment.That year, natural gas prices fell from a peak in 2014. The country’s economy, while still healthier than that of many neighbors, cooled.Criticism of Morales and his party grew.   “LORD KING EVO MORALES”In  March 2015, residents of El Alto, formerly a bastion of Morales support, handed MAS its first big electoral defeat. They voted out the city’s MAS mayor, who had polarized local voters because of municipal spending, and elected Soledad Chapeton, an Aymara from a center-right party who became the city’s first female mayor.Morales, meanwhile, kept working to prolong his own mandate – first through the failed referendum and then through another plea to the Constitutional Court. By last year, the court was firmly allied with Morales.After opposing other government initiatives, Cusi, the Aymara judge, was impeached by the Senate. The day before the May 2017 ruling, Cusi donned chains in front of government headquarters and scoffed at what he considered his foregone ouster. “Lord King Evo Morales,” he said before television cameras, “order your puppet senators to condemn me.”  Officially, Cusi was accused of failing to fulfill duties. But many government critics called his removal political.“They found a pretext to oust me,” Cusi told Reuters. Now the head of a Conamaq breakaway group, Cusi recently announced he would seek the office of attorney general.With the go-ahead to pursue a fourth term, Morales stoked even more ire.Early last year, students at the Public University of El Alto, a bastion of political activism, began demonstrating for more educational funding. The ruling on term limits sparked further discontent, fueling demonstrations that continued into this year.In a clash with police, one student died. Police said the student, Jonathan Quispe, was killed when students hurled marbles. University officials said he was shot by police. Reuters couldn’t independently determine what led to Quispe’s death.Last August, Congress approved a project to restart the Tipnis highway. Other construction projects are also drawing fire.At a cost to taxpayers of $7 million, Morales last year inaugurated a three-wing museum with large modern windows in Orinoca, the remote Altiplano town where he grew up herding llamas. The “Museum of the Democratic and Cultural Revolution” tells Bolivia’s recent history through Morales’ own achievements.This month, Morales presided over the opening of a new 28-floor presidential palace in La Paz. He calls the $34 million building “the big house of the people.”The projects, some critics say, are further proof Morales lost touch. “He always said he would consult the people,” said Salles, the former Conamaq leader. “Now he doesn’t.”In Charagua, the lowland Guarani region, residents are struggling with autonomy. One recent afternoon, locals at a school auditorium hashed through problems now plaguing their experiment, the first of three autonomous regions approved by voters recently.Charagua, roughly the size of Panama, in the 1930s was the site of successful resistance against Paraguayan invaders who sought to seize area gas reserves. Despite having gas, however, Charagua remains poor, accessible only by dirt roads. The regional budget, financed in part by La Paz, remains the roughly $4.5 million it was before autonomy. But locals say the national government has all but abandoned them otherwise.“We are worse than before,” said one resident who identified himself as Victor before storming out of the auditorium. “I want a recall on this autonomy.”Reuters was unable to reach the Morales cabinet official in charge of indigenous autonomy.Guarani leaders there said they, too, are unhappy. Ramiro Lucas, a 44-year-old leader of a southern portion of Charagua, lamented that the region recently had to halt school breakfasts because money was needed for health centers. “Now we have land, but what good is that if we don’t have resources?” he told Reuters.last_img

The Paradox of Black Health

first_imgThere’s a new gray area in health research. For decades, scholars have looked at disparities through the lens of black and white. Changing demographics and growing immigrant populations are demanding new approaches that explore diversity within racial groups.“The Black population is not monolithic,” says Helena Dagadu, a fellow at the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation (RWJF) Center for Health Policy at Meharry Medical College who is preparing to complete her PhD in the Department of Sociology at Vanderbilt University. Dagadu is among the Center’s first cohort of doctoral fellows set to graduate in May 2015.A native of Ghana who came to the United States as a child, Dagadu is particularly interested in how health inequities affect black immigrant populations. “African immigrants represent one of the fastest-growing immigrant populations in the U.S.,” she says. Her research examines health disparities between the native-born American Black population and Black African immigrants—specifically as they relate to chronic, non-communicable conditions such as stroke, heart disease and diabetes.“The tide is turning in health research,” she says. “It’s moving toward an understanding that there are differences in black populations.”Dagadu’s observations align with a recent upsurge of interest in how underrepresented populations self-identify. According to the Pew Research Center, the 2010 census revealed that many communities, including Hispanics, Arabs, and people of mixed race, have said they’re unsure of which box to check on census forms.“The 2020 census will ask the race/ethnicity question differently,” says Dagadu. “They’re recognizing diversity within groups, which has implications for survey data coming out of the census. And we researchers get a lot of our data from those survey responses.”Like Dagadu, Courtney Thomas, PhD, another Meharry scholar, investigates the ways in which race and ethnicity influence health within black population groups.“The center of my research has been understanding health paradoxes,” says Thomas, who successfully defended her dissertation in sociology earlier this year. She will be joining the University of Kentucky faculty as an Assistant Professor of Sociology and African American and Africana Studies.“For example, we see that college-educated black women are at higher risk than lower-educated white women when it comes to maternal outcomes. I want to see how race and ethnicity figure into those outcomes.”Another area of interest for Thomas is the effects of race-based stressors and racial identity on mental wellbeing. “Even subtle forms of racial discrimination have a significant impact on mental health,” she explains. “The idea of not belonging—being unsure about how you’re viewed by others—causes stress and anxiety.”The negative effects are markedly greater for women than for men, Thomas adds. Subtler forms of racial discrimination have a greater impact on women, while more overt acts have a greater effect on men.Exploring how differences in social class and gender affect physical health and mental wellbeing is crucial, Thomas says. “It gives us a more nuanced understanding of black Americans’ health issues.”Both Thomas and Dagadu applaud the fellowship at Meharry for providing scholars with invaluable hands-on mentorship and leadership development. Another 11 fellows are currently pursuing doctoral studies.The Center, launched in 2009, has worked to increase the diversity of health policy leaders in the social, behavioral, and health sciences—particularly sociology, economics, and political science—who will one day influence health policy at the national level.“The RWJF fellowship has been a great complement to my PhD training,” says Dagadu. “We’ve had opportunities to hear the perspectives of prominent scholars interested in building a healthier America. I’ve gained practical professional development skills, and learned how to talk about my work to the media as well as influential policymakers working to eliminate health disparities.”She credits the experience with helping her land a position as an Endowed Assistant Professor of Sociology at Loyola University–Chicago. “I believe this program helped make my interview a success,” she says.“You can go to any research program and learn,” explains Thomas. “This fellowship has given me regular exposure to top scholars. Right from the beginning, I felt like I was in the middle of the field and I had a place at the table.”last_img read more

Cardinals Fall 41 to No 17 Virginia in ACC Opener

first_img“UVA played mistake-free doubles to open up the match,” said UofL head coach Rex Ecarma. “They won four deuce points early and we were fighting from behind. After they won No. 1 singles, the rest of the matches could have gone either way. David won and Sergio was winning. Fabien was up in the second set early. It’s obvious we have a special group of freshmen. UVA added two players in their top four. They are very improved team from last year.” #17 Virginia 4, Louisville 11/20/2019 at Charlottesville, Va.(Boar’s Head Sports Club)Singles1. Carl Soderlund (VA) def. #104 Brandon Lancaster (LOU) 6-1, 6-02. Brandon Nakashima (VA) vs. Christopher Morin-Kougoucheff (LOU) 6-3, 6-5, unfinished3. #38 Gianni Ross (VA) def. Fabien Salle (LOU) 6-2, 7-54. Henrik Wiersholm (VA) def. Federico Gomez (LOU) 6-3, 6-45. Aswin Lizen (VA) vs. Sergio Hernandez Ramirez (LOU) 3-6, 5-5, unfinished6. David Mizrahi (LOU) def. Matthew Lord (VA) 1-6, 6-2, 6-3Doubles1. Carl Soderlund/Matthew Lord (VA) vs. Christopher Morin-Kougoucheff/Fabien Salle (LOU) 5-3, unfinished2. Aswin Lizen/Gianni Ross (VA) def. Brandon Lancaster/Alex Wesbrooks (LOU) 6-33. Brandon Nakashima/Henrik Wiersholm (VA) def. Federico Gomez/Sergio Hernandez Ramirez (LOU) 6-1 The match was decided on court three where No. 38 Gianni Ross defeated freshman Fabien Salle 6-2, 7-5 for the 4-1 final. Virginia (2-0, 1-0 ACC) started the match by taking the doubles points with wins on courts 2 and 3. The Cavalier duo of Brandon Nakashima and Henrik Wiersholm defeated Lousville’s Federico Gomez and Sergio Hernandez Ramirez 6-1 at No. 3 and clinched the point at the two-spot where Aswin Lizen and Gianni Ross topped Brandon Lancaster and Alex Wesbrooks 6-3. Matchup History Preview The University of Louisville men’s tennis team fell 4-1 to No. 17 Virginia in its ACC opener Sunday in Charlottesville, Va.center_img In singles action, Carl Soderlund defeated No. 104 Lancaster at the No. 1 seed to give Virginia a 2-0 lead. Wiersholm defeated Gomez 6-3, 6-4 at the four-spot to make the score 3-0. David Mizrahi put the Cardinals on the scoreboard with a 1-6, 6-2, 6-3 win over Matthew Lord at No. 6. With the victory, the freshman improves his dual match record to a team-best 4-0. Up next, the Cardinals (3-1, 0-1 ACC) will travel to Gainesville, Fla., to face Florida Atlantic in the first round of the ITA Kick-Off Weekend. Next Match: vs. Florida Atlantic 1/26/2019 | 11:00 a.m. Match Notes:Louisville 3-1, 0-1 ACCVirginia 2-0, 1-0 ACC; National ranking #17Order of finish: Doubles (3,2); Singles (1,4,6,3)T-2:00  A-257  Print Friendly Version Full Schedule Roster last_img read more

Nanoparticles pass through mucus membranes in lungs to deliver pulmonary drugs

first_img Play Movie of nanoparticles moving through mucus. Credit: Schneider et al. Sci. Adv. 2017;3:e1601556 The nanoparticles, the team notes, were created using biodegradable materials that prior research found safe for internal use. Testing in mice, they report, showed the particle carriers stayed in the lungs for several hours—they also proved to be more effective than conventional therapies at reducing asthma symptoms such as irritation. The researchers suggest that MPPs could offer a better treatment plan for lung patients by providing a therapy that maintains drug levels in the lungs for longer periods of time, reducing the need for repeated dosing, which itself can cause lung irritation. PausePlay% buffered00:0000:00UnmuteMuteDisable captionsEnable captionsSettingsCaptionsDisabledQuality0SpeedNormalCaptionsGo back to previous menuQualityGo back to previous menuSpeedGo back to previous menu0.5×0.75×Normal1.25×1.5×1.75×2×Exit fullscreenEnter fullscreen More information: Craig S. Schneider et al. Nanoparticles that do not adhere to mucus provide uniform and long-lasting drug delivery to airways following inhalation, Science Advances (2017). DOI: 10.1126/sciadv.1601556AbstractMucoadhesive particles (MAP) have been widely explored for pulmonary drug delivery because of their perceived benefits in improving particle residence in the lungs. However, retention of particles adhesively trapped in airway mucus may be limited by physiologic mucus clearance mechanisms. In contrast, particles that avoid mucoadhesion and have diameters smaller than mucus mesh spacings rapidly penetrate mucus layers [mucus-penetrating particles (MPP)], which we hypothesized would provide prolonged lung retention compared to MAP. We compared in vivo behaviors of variously sized, polystyrene-based MAP and MPP in the lungs following inhalation. MAP, regardless of particle size, were aggregated and poorly distributed throughout the airways, leading to rapid clearance from the lungs. Conversely, MPP as large as 300 nm exhibited uniform distribution and markedly enhanced retention compared to size-matched MAP. On the basis of these findings, we formulated biodegradable MPP (b-MPP) with an average diameter of <300 nm and examined their behavior following inhalation relative to similarly sized biodegradable MAP (b-MAP). Although b-MPP diffused rapidly through human airway mucus ex vivo, b-MAP did not. Rapid b-MPP movements in mucus ex vivo correlated to a more uniform distribution within the airways and enhanced lung retention time as compared to b-MAP. Furthermore, inhalation of b-MPP loaded with dexamethasone sodium phosphate (DP) significantly reduced inflammation in a mouse model of acute lung inflammation compared to both carrier-free DP and DP-loaded MAP. These studies provide a careful head-to-head comparison of MAP versus MPP following inhalation and challenge a long-standing dogma that favored the use of MAP for pulmonary drug delivery. Play Movie of nanoparticles moving through mucus. Credit: Schneider et al. Sci. Adv. 2017;3:e1601556 Citation: Nanoparticles pass through mucus membranes in lungs to deliver pulmonary drugs (2017, April 6) retrieved 18 August 2019 from https://phys.org/news/2017-04-nanoparticles-mucus-membranes-lungs-pulmonary.html Journal information: Science Advances Lung problems impact the lives of millions of people. Such conditions include asthma, in which bronchi spasm, making it difficult to breathe; cystic fibrosis, in which over-production of mucus leads to blocking of bronchi; and COPD, in which obstructions form in bronchial passages. Fortunately, these types of ailments are all treatable to some degree, though they cannot be cured. For that reason, scientists continue to look for ways to improve current therapies.Currently, lung ailments such as cystic fibrosis, COPD and asthma are treated with inhaled drugs such as corticosteroids that adhere to the walls of air passages. In some instances, they are carried by what are known as mucoadhesive particles, (MAPs), but, as the researchers note, thick mucus often builds up on such passageways, lessening the effectiveness of the delivery system. In this new effort, the researchers took a different approach—rather than trying to make medicines that adhere do their job better, they turned to nanoparticles that are small enough to make their way through mucus membranes to the lining of the lungs themselves, offering direct medication application to affected areas. Called mucus-penetrating particles (MPP), they remain in the lungs, releasing medication for an extended period of time. The making of mucus in common lung diseases PausePlay% buffered00:0000:00UnmuteMuteDisable captionsEnable captionsSettingsCaptionsDisabledQuality0SpeedNormalCaptionsGo back to previous menuQualityGo back to previous menuSpeedGo back to previous menu0.5×0.75×Normal1.25×1.5×1.75×2×Exit fullscreenEnter fullscreen This document is subject to copyright. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study or research, no part may be reproduced without the written permission. The content is provided for information purposes only. © 2017 Phys.org Explore further (Phys.org)—A team of researchers from multiple institutions in the U.S. has developed a new way to treat lung disease—using nanoparticles to transport chemicals through the thick mucus membranes that can coat pulmonary airways. In their paper published in the journal Science Advances, the team describes how they used particles small enough to move through holes in the mesh that makes up mucus to deliver helpful drugs.last_img read more